“My son came back from a funeral two weeks ago. His best friend died,” he told POLITICO this summer, adding that the scope of the problem demands the U.S. do more. “My oldest daughter has been to four funerals, all from high school friends.”
The McCaul family’s close encounter with the fentanyl crisis is becoming tragically common: Nearly 110,000 Americans died of drug overdoses last year. That figure spiked from around 70,000 before the Covid pandemic, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and has shown no signs of abating.
The Drug Enforcement Administration announced late last month that it has since January seized more than 55 million fentanyl pills, exceeding its 2022 haul with months left in the year.
Still, getting fellow Republicans to back bipartisan legislation — which Biden could champion as a win — is a tough sell. In Congress, many in the GOP have seized on the bad news to call out Biden, tying it to what they see as the president’s lax border security policies. In July, then-Speaker Kevin McCarthy assembled a task force on combating the cartels to draw attention to the GOP’s willingness to take the fight to them.
The task force’s leader, Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Texas), whose suburban Houston district sits just to the east of McCaul’s, has laid the blame at Biden’s feet for his handling of the border. A former Navy SEAL, Crenshaw has proposed a resolution to authorize the use of military force against Mexico’s cartels.
“The cartels have operational control over our southern border, facilitate and take advantage of our immigration crisis,” he said in a statement after McCarthy named him.
McCaul, whose panel has jurisdiction over Crenshaw’s resolution to authorize military force, hasn’t brought it up. He said he believes belligerency risks alienating Mexico, which he considers an ally in the fight, while driving more migrants to the border.
“They’re political stunts, and it won’t change the way business is really done,” McCaul said.
That annoyed Crenshaw, who told POLITICO that “McCaul knows better” and “shouldn’t have said that.”
Still, McCaul’s effort to find a middle ground has intrigued Democrats, who are desperate to make headway in combating the fentanyl scourge.
A White House official granted anonymity to discuss cooperation with a GOP member of Congress said the administration wants to continue working with McCaul “on legislative actions that will further our shared objective.”
McCaul told POLITICO in a statement that he’s committed to seeing his legislation through. “We owe it to the families who have lost so much to have a floor vote.”
A former counterterrorism and national security chief in the Texas U.S. Attorney’s office, McCaul is making a case for cooperation, both with Biden and with Mexico’s populist president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Finding ways to bring down the number of overdose deaths is that important, he said, even though success could work to Biden’s benefit in next year’s election.
He’s proposed bipartisan legislation with his panel’s ranking Democrat, New York’s Gregory Meeks, to empower Biden to sanction cartels and those who help them. And he wants to convince López Obrador to allow U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents to help police Mexico’s ports, where U.S. officials say that chemicals needed to make fentanyl arrive by boat from China.
That will require cooperation from López Obrador, who has at times extended a hand and at others denied that fentanyl is produced in his country, accused U.S. lawmakers of scapegoating and said the U.S. might not have an overdose crisis if Americans hugged their children more.
McCaul thinks he can lend some bipartisanship to Biden’s efforts to get through to the mercurial Mexican. “I’m gonna have a trip down to meet with the officials down there to talk about the importance,” McCaul said. “We’ve now lost 70,000 children.”
McCaul — alongside with Meeks and fellow Texan Henry Cuellar, another Democrat — met in late September with Mexico’s new foreign affairs secretary, Alicia Bárcena, in Washington to discuss stopping fentanyl from flowing into Texas, McCaul’s staff posted on X, the former Twitter.
That’s in stark contrast to Crenshaw’s approach, who proposed a resolution condemning López Obrador in April after the Mexican threatened to try to convince voters to oust Republicans from office for bringing up the use of force against Mexico.
McCaul said that in his first term in Congress, nearly two decades ago, he also introduced legislation to that end.
He now realizes that diplomacy works better than threats. “Authorizing use of military force against an organization in Mexico is essentially declaring war against Mexico, and… they’re our largest trading partner,” McCaul said.
More violence in Mexico would also legitimize asylum claims, leading to a spike in the number of migrants seeking to come to the U.S., McCaul believes.
“When I talk about this, then the light bulb does come on: ‘Oh, I didn’t think about that,’” McCaul said about the argument he’s making to his GOP colleagues who want to use force.
To stem the flow of fentanyl into the U.S., McCaul wants to stop raw chemicals, sourced mainly from China, from entering Mexico through ports like Manzanillo, on the country’s Pacific coast. The CBP could work with the Mexican Marines and Navy, which McCaul sees as reliable, and use new technology to detect and seize these chemicals, he said.
He also authored a bill aiming to disrupt the flow of these chemicals to Mexico by placing them and illicit fentanyl on the list of substances regulated by the international Chemical Weapons Convention. Cosponsored by 10 other Republicans, the Foreign Affairs Committee approved the bill in May.
And while Democratic Reps. Joaquin Castro of Texas and Sara Jacobs of California were skeptical about the feasibility of the proposal, given that fentanyl is a commonly prescribed painkiller, Meeks assured them that he had worked with McCaul to ensure the classification of the drug under the convention would not hinder its legal use.
Targeting the raw chemicals to manufacture fentanyl is a strategy shared by California’s Ami Bera, the ranking Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Indo-Pacific Subcommittee, who held talks on fentanyl in Mexico City in September.
“He’s in a border state and he certainly, I think, sees the impact first hand,” Bera said of McCaul.
McCaul has also authored a bipartisan bill imposing sanctions on drug cartels and other criminal organizations for trafficking illicit fentanyl and its raw materials, a companion to Senate legislation that the Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee approved in June.
But McCaul’s window to bring his colleagues and the Biden administration together is closing as next year’s presidential election looms, giving Republicans a reason to resist a legislative agreement that Biden could tout as an example of his ability to forge bipartisan solutions.
That’s a rhythm tied to election cycles McCaul has seen many times in his nearly 20 years on Capitol Hill. “We legislate the first year and then we have political fights the second,” he said.
“My son came back from a funeral two weeks ago. His best friend died,” he told POLITICO this summer, adding that the scope of the problem demands the U.S. do more. “My oldest daughter has been to four funerals, all from high school friends.”
The McCaul family’s close encounter with the fentanyl crisis is becoming tragically common: Nearly 110,000 Americans died of drug overdoses last year. That figure spiked from around 70,000 before the Covid pandemic, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and has shown no signs of abating.
The Drug Enforcement Administration announced late last month that it has since January seized more than 55 million fentanyl pills, exceeding its 2022 haul with months left in the year.
Still, getting fellow Republicans to back bipartisan legislation — which Biden could champion as a win — is a tough sell. In Congress, many in the GOP have seized on the bad news to call out Biden, tying it to what they see as the president’s lax border security policies. In July, then-Speaker Kevin McCarthy assembled a task force on combating the cartels to draw attention to the GOP’s willingness to take the fight to them.
The task force’s leader, Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Texas), whose suburban Houston district sits just to the east of McCaul’s, has laid the blame at Biden’s feet for his handling of the border. A former Navy SEAL, Crenshaw has proposed a resolution to authorize the use of military force against Mexico’s cartels.
“The cartels have operational control over our southern border, facilitate and take advantage of our immigration crisis,” he said in a statement after McCarthy named him.
McCaul, whose panel has jurisdiction over Crenshaw’s resolution to authorize military force, hasn’t brought it up. He said he believes belligerency risks alienating Mexico, which he considers an ally in the fight, while driving more migrants to the border.
“They’re political stunts, and it won’t change the way business is really done,” McCaul said.
That annoyed Crenshaw, who told POLITICO that “McCaul knows better” and “shouldn’t have said that.”
Still, McCaul’s effort to find a middle ground has intrigued Democrats, who are desperate to make headway in combating the fentanyl scourge.
A White House official granted anonymity to discuss cooperation with a GOP member of Congress said the administration wants to continue working with McCaul “on legislative actions that will further our shared objective.”
McCaul told POLITICO in a statement that he’s committed to seeing his legislation through. “We owe it to the families who have lost so much to have a floor vote.”
A former counterterrorism and national security chief in the Texas U.S. Attorney’s office, McCaul is making a case for cooperation, both with Biden and with Mexico’s populist president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Finding ways to bring down the number of overdose deaths is that important, he said, even though success could work to Biden’s benefit in next year’s election.
He’s proposed bipartisan legislation with his panel’s ranking Democrat, New York’s Gregory Meeks, to empower Biden to sanction cartels and those who help them. And he wants to convince López Obrador to allow U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents to help police Mexico’s ports, where U.S. officials say that chemicals needed to make fentanyl arrive by boat from China.
That will require cooperation from López Obrador, who has at times extended a hand and at others denied that fentanyl is produced in his country, accused U.S. lawmakers of scapegoating and said the U.S. might not have an overdose crisis if Americans hugged their children more.
McCaul thinks he can lend some bipartisanship to Biden’s efforts to get through to the mercurial Mexican. “I’m gonna have a trip down to meet with the officials down there to talk about the importance,” McCaul said. “We’ve now lost 70,000 children.”
McCaul — alongside with Meeks and fellow Texan Henry Cuellar, another Democrat — met in late September with Mexico’s new foreign affairs secretary, Alicia Bárcena, in Washington to discuss stopping fentanyl from flowing into Texas, McCaul’s staff posted on X, the former Twitter.
That’s in stark contrast to Crenshaw’s approach, who proposed a resolution condemning López Obrador in April after the Mexican threatened to try to convince voters to oust Republicans from office for bringing up the use of force against Mexico.
McCaul said that in his first term in Congress, nearly two decades ago, he also introduced legislation to that end.
He now realizes that diplomacy works better than threats. “Authorizing use of military force against an organization in Mexico is essentially declaring war against Mexico, and… they’re our largest trading partner,” McCaul said.
More violence in Mexico would also legitimize asylum claims, leading to a spike in the number of migrants seeking to come to the U.S., McCaul believes.
“When I talk about this, then the light bulb does come on: ‘Oh, I didn’t think about that,’” McCaul said about the argument he’s making to his GOP colleagues who want to use force.
To stem the flow of fentanyl into the U.S., McCaul wants to stop raw chemicals, sourced mainly from China, from entering Mexico through ports like Manzanillo, on the country’s Pacific coast. The CBP could work with the Mexican Marines and Navy, which McCaul sees as reliable, and use new technology to detect and seize these chemicals, he said.
He also authored a bill aiming to disrupt the flow of these chemicals to Mexico by placing them and illicit fentanyl on the list of substances regulated by the international Chemical Weapons Convention. Cosponsored by 10 other Republicans, the Foreign Affairs Committee approved the bill in May.
And while Democratic Reps. Joaquin Castro of Texas and Sara Jacobs of California were skeptical about the feasibility of the proposal, given that fentanyl is a commonly prescribed painkiller, Meeks assured them that he had worked with McCaul to ensure the classification of the drug under the convention would not hinder its legal use.
Targeting the raw chemicals to manufacture fentanyl is a strategy shared by California’s Ami Bera, the ranking Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Indo-Pacific Subcommittee, who held talks on fentanyl in Mexico City in September.
“He’s in a border state and he certainly, I think, sees the impact first hand,” Bera said of McCaul.
McCaul has also authored a bipartisan bill imposing sanctions on drug cartels and other criminal organizations for trafficking illicit fentanyl and its raw materials, a companion to Senate legislation that the Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee approved in June.
But McCaul’s window to bring his colleagues and the Biden administration together is closing as next year’s presidential election looms, giving Republicans a reason to resist a legislative agreement that Biden could tout as an example of his ability to forge bipartisan solutions.
That’s a rhythm tied to election cycles McCaul has seen many times in his nearly 20 years on Capitol Hill. “We legislate the first year and then we have political fights the second,” he said.
Can I Change My Plan During Open Enrollment in Orlando Florida?
As we approach open enrollment season, many individuals in Orlando, Florida are wondering if they can change their health insurance plans. Whether you’re looking for a more affordable option, better coverage, or simply want to explore other options, it’s important to understand the rules and regulations surrounding open enrollment. In this article, we will guide you through the process of changing your health insurance plan during open enrollment in Orlando.
“According to recent statistics, over 8 million Floridians are enrolled in a health insurance plan. With such a large number of individuals relying on health insurance coverage, it’s important to be well-informed about the options available during open enrollment.”
Open Enrollment in Orlando Florida: An Introduction
Open enrollment is a designated period during which individuals can review, update, and change their health insurance coverage. It is typically the only time of the year when you can enroll in a new plan or make changes to your existing plan without experiencing a qualifying event, such as getting married or having a child.
During open enrollment, you have the opportunity to:
1. Switch to a new health insurance plan
2. Compare different insurance options available in Orlando, Florida
3. Change your coverage level (e.g., from individual to family or vice versa)
4. Update your personal information (e.g., address, income)
Choosing the Right Health Insurance Plan
During open enrollment, it’s crucial to carefully consider your health insurance options and select the plan that best fits your needs. Here are some factors to consider:
1. Coverage and Benefits
When evaluating different health insurance plans, it’s important to review their coverage and benefits. Look for plans that cover your specific healthcare needs, such as prescription drugs, preventive care, and specialist visits.
2. Premiums and Costs
Consider the monthly premium cost, deductibles, copayments, and coinsurance associated with each plan. While a plan with a lower premium may seem more affordable, it’s important to evaluate the overall cost based on your anticipated healthcare usage.
3. Network of Providers
Check if your preferred healthcare providers, such as physicians, hospitals, and specialists, are included in the plan’s network. Using out-of-network providers may result in higher out-of-pocket costs or limited coverage.
4. Prescription Drug Coverage
If you take regular prescription medications, ensure that the plan provides adequate coverage for your specific drugs. Some plans may have a preferred drug list or require prior authorization for certain medications.
The Process of Changing Your Plan During Open Enrollment
Once you have identified a health insurance plan that meets your needs, you can proceed with changing your plan during the open enrollment period. Here’s a step-by-step process to help you navigate through the process:
1. Review Your Current Coverage
Before making any changes, review your current health insurance coverage. Consider the premium costs, benefits, and any changes in your healthcare needs. This will help you identify areas where you may need to make adjustments.
2. Research Available Options
Use online resources, such as HealthSherpa, to research and compare health insurance options available in Orlando, Florida. Evaluate each plan based on your specific needs, budget, and preferences.
3. Contact an Insurance Expert
If you feel overwhelmed by the options or need assistance understanding the nuances of each plan, consider reaching out to a health insurance expert. At US Health Insurance Options LLC, our team of experts can provide personalized guidance to help you make an informed decision.
4. Enroll in a New Plan
Once you have made your decision, complete the enrollment process for your new health insurance plan. This may involve filling out an application form, providing supporting documents, and paying the premium.
5. Coordinate Coverage Transition
Ensure that there is no gap in your health insurance coverage during the transition. Coordinate the start date of your new plan with the end date of your current plan to ensure continuous coverage.
Open enrollment can be overwhelming, and it’s important to avoid common mistakes that may have long-term financial and healthcare consequences. Here are some mistakes to watch out for:
1. Not Reviewing Your Options
Some individuals may be tempted to stick with their current plan without considering other options. It’s essential to review available plans and assess whether they better suit your needs and budget.
2. Failing to Update Personal Information
During open enrollment, ensure that your personal information, such as your address and income, is up to date to prevent any issues with your eligibility or subsidies.
3. Not Checking Provider Networks
Before enrolling in a new plan, verify that your preferred healthcare providers, including primary care physicians and specialists, are included in the plan’s network. This will help you avoid unexpected out-of-network costs.
4. Not Considering Changes in Healthcare Needs
Your healthcare needs may have changed since your last enrollment period. Consider any changes, such as new prescriptions or upcoming medical procedures, when selecting a plan.
Tips for a Successful Open Enrollment Experience
To ensure a smooth and successful open enrollment experience, keep these tips in mind:
1. Start Early
Don’t wait until the last minute to begin exploring your options. Starting early allows you ample time to research, compare plans, and make an informed decision.
2. Gather Relevant Information
Compile all necessary information, including your current health insurance details, income information, and any changes in your healthcare needs. Having this information readily available will streamline the enrollment process.
3. Seek Expert Advice
If you find the process overwhelming or have specific questions, reach out to health insurance experts at US Health Insurance Options LLC. We are here to assist you in finding the best health insurance plan for your unique needs.
4. Review Plan Documents
Before enrolling in a new plan, carefully review all plan documents, including the Summary of Benefits and Coverage and any accompanying materials. This will help you understand the plan’s coverage, costs, and benefits.
Conclusion
get your options in less than a minute!
Open enrollment in Orlando, Florida provides individuals with the opportunity to review and change their health insurance plans. By carefully considering your options, contacting insurance experts, and avoiding common mistakes, you can ensure that you make the best decision for your healthcare needs and budget. Remember, open enrollment is your chance to secure the coverage that suits you best.
Frequently Asked Questions
1. Can I switch to a different health insurance plan during open enrollment?
Yes, open enrollment is the designated period when you can switch to a new health insurance plan without experiencing a qualifying event.
2. How do I determine the best health insurance plan for my needs?
Consider factors such as coverage and benefits, premiums and costs, network of providers, and prescription drug coverage when evaluating different health insurance plans.
3. Can I keep my current healthcare providers if I switch plans?
It depends on the new plan’s network. Verify whether your preferred healthcare providers are included in the new plan’s network.
4. What is the penalty for not having health insurance during open enrollment?
While there used to be a penalty for not having health insurance, the penalty has been reduced to $0 starting in 2019, meaning you won’t be penalized for not having coverage.
5. Can I change my plan after open enrollment?
Outside of open enrollment, you can only change your health insurance plan if you experience a qualifying event, such as getting married, having a child, or losing your job-based coverage.
6. What happens if I miss the open enrollment period?
If you miss the open enrollment period, you may have to wait until the next enrollment period to make changes to your health insurance coverage.
7. Are there any financial assistance programs available during open enrollment?
Yes, there are financial assistance programs available, such as subsidies and tax credits, to help make health insurance more affordable for individuals and families who qualify.
8. What documents do I need to enroll in a new health insurance plan?
You may need to provide documents such as proof of income, proof of residency, and social security numbers for you and your dependents.
9. Can I change my plan if I am pregnant?
While being pregnant is not considered a qualifying event, you may be eligible for a special enrollment period, which allows you to make changes to your health insurance coverage.
10. Can I change my plan if I move to a different state?
If you move to a different state, you may be eligible for a special enrollment period to select a new health insurance plan that aligns with your new residency.
Consulting our health insurance experts at US Health Insurance Options LLC can provide you with personalized guidance and assistance in navigating the open enrollment process. Call (407) 588-0505 or fill out the quote request form on this page to learn more.
“My son came back from a funeral two weeks ago. His best friend died,” he told POLITICO this summer, adding that the scope of the problem demands the U.S. do more. “My oldest daughter has been to four funerals, all from high school friends.”
The McCaul family’s close encounter with the fentanyl crisis is becoming tragically common: Nearly 110,000 Americans died of drug overdoses last year. That figure spiked from around 70,000 before the Covid pandemic, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and has shown no signs of abating.
The Drug Enforcement Administration announced late last month that it has since January seized more than 55 million fentanyl pills, exceeding its 2022 haul with months left in the year.
Still, getting fellow Republicans to back bipartisan legislation — which Biden could champion as a win — is a tough sell. In Congress, many in the GOP have seized on the bad news to call out Biden, tying it to what they see as the president’s lax border security policies. In July, then-Speaker Kevin McCarthy assembled a task force on combating the cartels to draw attention to the GOP’s willingness to take the fight to them.
The task force’s leader, Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Texas), whose suburban Houston district sits just to the east of McCaul’s, has laid the blame at Biden’s feet for his handling of the border. A former Navy SEAL, Crenshaw has proposed a resolution to authorize the use of military force against Mexico’s cartels.
“The cartels have operational control over our southern border, facilitate and take advantage of our immigration crisis,” he said in a statement after McCarthy named him.
McCaul, whose panel has jurisdiction over Crenshaw’s resolution to authorize military force, hasn’t brought it up. He said he believes belligerency risks alienating Mexico, which he considers an ally in the fight, while driving more migrants to the border.
“They’re political stunts, and it won’t change the way business is really done,” McCaul said.
That annoyed Crenshaw, who told POLITICO that “McCaul knows better” and “shouldn’t have said that.”
Still, McCaul’s effort to find a middle ground has intrigued Democrats, who are desperate to make headway in combating the fentanyl scourge.
A White House official granted anonymity to discuss cooperation with a GOP member of Congress said the administration wants to continue working with McCaul “on legislative actions that will further our shared objective.”
McCaul told POLITICO in a statement that he’s committed to seeing his legislation through. “We owe it to the families who have lost so much to have a floor vote.”
A former counterterrorism and national security chief in the Texas U.S. Attorney’s office, McCaul is making a case for cooperation, both with Biden and with Mexico’s populist president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Finding ways to bring down the number of overdose deaths is that important, he said, even though success could work to Biden’s benefit in next year’s election.
He’s proposed bipartisan legislation with his panel’s ranking Democrat, New York’s Gregory Meeks, to empower Biden to sanction cartels and those who help them. And he wants to convince López Obrador to allow U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents to help police Mexico’s ports, where U.S. officials say that chemicals needed to make fentanyl arrive by boat from China.
That will require cooperation from López Obrador, who has at times extended a hand and at others denied that fentanyl is produced in his country, accused U.S. lawmakers of scapegoating and said the U.S. might not have an overdose crisis if Americans hugged their children more.
McCaul thinks he can lend some bipartisanship to Biden’s efforts to get through to the mercurial Mexican. “I’m gonna have a trip down to meet with the officials down there to talk about the importance,” McCaul said. “We’ve now lost 70,000 children.”
McCaul — alongside with Meeks and fellow Texan Henry Cuellar, another Democrat — met in late September with Mexico’s new foreign affairs secretary, Alicia Bárcena, in Washington to discuss stopping fentanyl from flowing into Texas, McCaul’s staff posted on X, the former Twitter.
That’s in stark contrast to Crenshaw’s approach, who proposed a resolution condemning López Obrador in April after the Mexican threatened to try to convince voters to oust Republicans from office for bringing up the use of force against Mexico.
McCaul said that in his first term in Congress, nearly two decades ago, he also introduced legislation to that end.
He now realizes that diplomacy works better than threats. “Authorizing use of military force against an organization in Mexico is essentially declaring war against Mexico, and… they’re our largest trading partner,” McCaul said.
More violence in Mexico would also legitimize asylum claims, leading to a spike in the number of migrants seeking to come to the U.S., McCaul believes.
“When I talk about this, then the light bulb does come on: ‘Oh, I didn’t think about that,’” McCaul said about the argument he’s making to his GOP colleagues who want to use force.
To stem the flow of fentanyl into the U.S., McCaul wants to stop raw chemicals, sourced mainly from China, from entering Mexico through ports like Manzanillo, on the country’s Pacific coast. The CBP could work with the Mexican Marines and Navy, which McCaul sees as reliable, and use new technology to detect and seize these chemicals, he said.
He also authored a bill aiming to disrupt the flow of these chemicals to Mexico by placing them and illicit fentanyl on the list of substances regulated by the international Chemical Weapons Convention. Cosponsored by 10 other Republicans, the Foreign Affairs Committee approved the bill in May.
And while Democratic Reps. Joaquin Castro of Texas and Sara Jacobs of California were skeptical about the feasibility of the proposal, given that fentanyl is a commonly prescribed painkiller, Meeks assured them that he had worked with McCaul to ensure the classification of the drug under the convention would not hinder its legal use.
Targeting the raw chemicals to manufacture fentanyl is a strategy shared by California’s Ami Bera, the ranking Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Indo-Pacific Subcommittee, who held talks on fentanyl in Mexico City in September.
“He’s in a border state and he certainly, I think, sees the impact first hand,” Bera said of McCaul.
McCaul has also authored a bipartisan bill imposing sanctions on drug cartels and other criminal organizations for trafficking illicit fentanyl and its raw materials, a companion to Senate legislation that the Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee approved in June.
But McCaul’s window to bring his colleagues and the Biden administration together is closing as next year’s presidential election looms, giving Republicans a reason to resist a legislative agreement that Biden could tout as an example of his ability to forge bipartisan solutions.
That’s a rhythm tied to election cycles McCaul has seen many times in his nearly 20 years on Capitol Hill. “We legislate the first year and then we have political fights the second,” he said.
“My son came back from a funeral two weeks ago. His best friend died,” he told POLITICO this summer, adding that the scope of the problem demands the U.S. do more. “My oldest daughter has been to four funerals, all from high school friends.”
The McCaul family’s close encounter with the fentanyl crisis is becoming tragically common: Nearly 110,000 Americans died of drug overdoses last year. That figure spiked from around 70,000 before the Covid pandemic, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and has shown no signs of abating.
The Drug Enforcement Administration announced late last month that it has since January seized more than 55 million fentanyl pills, exceeding its 2022 haul with months left in the year.
Still, getting fellow Republicans to back bipartisan legislation — which Biden could champion as a win — is a tough sell. In Congress, many in the GOP have seized on the bad news to call out Biden, tying it to what they see as the president’s lax border security policies. In July, then-Speaker Kevin McCarthy assembled a task force on combating the cartels to draw attention to the GOP’s willingness to take the fight to them.
The task force’s leader, Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Texas), whose suburban Houston district sits just to the east of McCaul’s, has laid the blame at Biden’s feet for his handling of the border. A former Navy SEAL, Crenshaw has proposed a resolution to authorize the use of military force against Mexico’s cartels.
“The cartels have operational control over our southern border, facilitate and take advantage of our immigration crisis,” he said in a statement after McCarthy named him.
McCaul, whose panel has jurisdiction over Crenshaw’s resolution to authorize military force, hasn’t brought it up. He said he believes belligerency risks alienating Mexico, which he considers an ally in the fight, while driving more migrants to the border.
“They’re political stunts, and it won’t change the way business is really done,” McCaul said.
That annoyed Crenshaw, who told POLITICO that “McCaul knows better” and “shouldn’t have said that.”
Still, McCaul’s effort to find a middle ground has intrigued Democrats, who are desperate to make headway in combating the fentanyl scourge.
A White House official granted anonymity to discuss cooperation with a GOP member of Congress said the administration wants to continue working with McCaul “on legislative actions that will further our shared objective.”
McCaul told POLITICO in a statement that he’s committed to seeing his legislation through. “We owe it to the families who have lost so much to have a floor vote.”
A former counterterrorism and national security chief in the Texas U.S. Attorney’s office, McCaul is making a case for cooperation, both with Biden and with Mexico’s populist president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Finding ways to bring down the number of overdose deaths is that important, he said, even though success could work to Biden’s benefit in next year’s election.
He’s proposed bipartisan legislation with his panel’s ranking Democrat, New York’s Gregory Meeks, to empower Biden to sanction cartels and those who help them. And he wants to convince López Obrador to allow U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents to help police Mexico’s ports, where U.S. officials say that chemicals needed to make fentanyl arrive by boat from China.
That will require cooperation from López Obrador, who has at times extended a hand and at others denied that fentanyl is produced in his country, accused U.S. lawmakers of scapegoating and said the U.S. might not have an overdose crisis if Americans hugged their children more.
McCaul thinks he can lend some bipartisanship to Biden’s efforts to get through to the mercurial Mexican. “I’m gonna have a trip down to meet with the officials down there to talk about the importance,” McCaul said. “We’ve now lost 70,000 children.”
McCaul — alongside with Meeks and fellow Texan Henry Cuellar, another Democrat — met in late September with Mexico’s new foreign affairs secretary, Alicia Bárcena, in Washington to discuss stopping fentanyl from flowing into Texas, McCaul’s staff posted on X, the former Twitter.
That’s in stark contrast to Crenshaw’s approach, who proposed a resolution condemning López Obrador in April after the Mexican threatened to try to convince voters to oust Republicans from office for bringing up the use of force against Mexico.
McCaul said that in his first term in Congress, nearly two decades ago, he also introduced legislation to that end.
He now realizes that diplomacy works better than threats. “Authorizing use of military force against an organization in Mexico is essentially declaring war against Mexico, and… they’re our largest trading partner,” McCaul said.
More violence in Mexico would also legitimize asylum claims, leading to a spike in the number of migrants seeking to come to the U.S., McCaul believes.
“When I talk about this, then the light bulb does come on: ‘Oh, I didn’t think about that,’” McCaul said about the argument he’s making to his GOP colleagues who want to use force.
To stem the flow of fentanyl into the U.S., McCaul wants to stop raw chemicals, sourced mainly from China, from entering Mexico through ports like Manzanillo, on the country’s Pacific coast. The CBP could work with the Mexican Marines and Navy, which McCaul sees as reliable, and use new technology to detect and seize these chemicals, he said.
He also authored a bill aiming to disrupt the flow of these chemicals to Mexico by placing them and illicit fentanyl on the list of substances regulated by the international Chemical Weapons Convention. Cosponsored by 10 other Republicans, the Foreign Affairs Committee approved the bill in May.
And while Democratic Reps. Joaquin Castro of Texas and Sara Jacobs of California were skeptical about the feasibility of the proposal, given that fentanyl is a commonly prescribed painkiller, Meeks assured them that he had worked with McCaul to ensure the classification of the drug under the convention would not hinder its legal use.
Targeting the raw chemicals to manufacture fentanyl is a strategy shared by California’s Ami Bera, the ranking Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Indo-Pacific Subcommittee, who held talks on fentanyl in Mexico City in September.
“He’s in a border state and he certainly, I think, sees the impact first hand,” Bera said of McCaul.
McCaul has also authored a bipartisan bill imposing sanctions on drug cartels and other criminal organizations for trafficking illicit fentanyl and its raw materials, a companion to Senate legislation that the Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee approved in June.
But McCaul’s window to bring his colleagues and the Biden administration together is closing as next year’s presidential election looms, giving Republicans a reason to resist a legislative agreement that Biden could tout as an example of his ability to forge bipartisan solutions.
That’s a rhythm tied to election cycles McCaul has seen many times in his nearly 20 years on Capitol Hill. “We legislate the first year and then we have political fights the second,” he said.
